By Cécile Famerée and Bénédicte Bucio, program officers for the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Before closing out the year, we wanted to share some news from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where 2025 was marked by intensified violence, particularly in, but not limited to, the provinces of North and South Kivu, in the east of the country.
It may be recalled that the year began with the capture of Goma, followed by Bukavu, by the Rwandan-backed AFC/M23 rebel group. We issued a declaration of solidarity with the DRC to show our support for our partners. A month later, we sounded the alarm on the humanitarian crisis along with AQOCI and other Quebec allies.
Since their resurgence in November 2021, the extent of AFC/M23’s territorial control has continued to grow. Uvira, the last major city in South Kivu, fell to the rebels on December 10, 2025. Located on the shore of Lake Tanganyika at border with Burundi, Uvira opens the last gateway to the rest of the country.
The security and humanitarian crisis in the east continue, as does the displacement of people, including the return of some to villages they had previously fled. The war in this region dates back more than 30 years. Communities have been destroyed by several atrocities, especially violence perpetrated against children and women, often in front of their families and communities. While some 30,000 refugees have been recently welcomed in Burundi, over 400 people have died in the recent capture of Uvira. Given the deteriorating situation, this toll is likely to rise, adding to the 6 million who have lost their lives since the war began in 1998.
Diplomatic efforts by the United States and Qatar have continued in an attempt to end the war in the east, both between the DRC and Rwanda and between the DRC and the AFC/M23. More recently, on December 4, Rwandan President Paul Kagame and DRC President Félix Tshisekedi signed an agreement in Washington that had been prepared in advance by their respective teams. This agreement is coupled with a trade agreement on the exploitation of minerals in the east.
Despite the advances they represent, the main criticisms of these agreements pertain to their partial nature; to the fact that “they do not take into account all of the Congo’s problems,” as indicated by the Most Rev. Fridolin Ambongo, Archbishop of Kinshasa (see article in French); and to the numerous obstacles to their implementation. Experts from the International Crisis Group acknowledge that the trade agreement with the United States adds an “interesting” additional dimension, making it possible for Rwanda to reap the very economic gains in peacetime that had been obvious to in war (listen to the podcast in French).
In terms of internal governance, ex-president Joseph Kabila’s “reappearance” on the political scene; his sentencing to death by the High Military Court; and his creation with others in the opposition (political parties and civil society) of the “Save the DRC Movement” platform, have fuelled tensions and plunged the country into further uncertainty (read our partner’s statement in French). Meanwhile, opposition figures have been either marginalized or forced into exile. The recent suspension of 13 parties that rallied to the opposition platform has made the ruling party’s authoritarian excesses evident and contributed to a reduction in the possibilities for inclusive internal and regional dialogue.
Regardless of the economic gains made by both sides, international negotiations have stalled and the prospects for lasting peace remain unclear for millions of Congolese people. Although, at Washington’s request, the AFC/M23 has declared its willingness to withdraw from Uvira, the UN fears the fragmentation of the DRC and further unrest in the Great Lakes region.
As we witness the AFC/M23’s increasing control of eastern DRC with Rwanda’s backing, and the Congolese state’s limited capacity to address pre-existing divisions and protect the people, it becomes even more important that we continue our support for our partners. This also holds true for the international community, whose passivity is linked to the Rwandan narrative and the economic interests at play.
This is the context in which our Electoral Education and Inclusive Governance Program in the DRC (EEGIR, for its French acronym) has continued through 2025, supporting 29 literacy centers to help women regain their dignity and play a role in political life. Soon, the program’s second mass awareness campaign will begin, with messaging focussed on respect for human rights and the rights of women, including their participation in peace processes from which they currently remain largely excluded.